Hezbollah Establishes Base In Cuba: Must Read For Every U.S. Military Soldier ~ The Growing Plight At Home For U.S. Citizens!

October 22nd, 2012

FAKE NEWS for the Zionist agenda

Julio De-Castro Toirac, right, shows his photo album during his years in the U.S. Army as his brother Jose Ignacio Castro Toirac, left, looks on in Coral Gables, Fla., Thursday, Oct. 11, 2012. Unbeknownst to one another, Julio and Jose Castro had both enlisted in the military, the older brother with the United States, the younger with Cuba. As the U.S. and the Soviets inched closer to catastrophe 50 years ago this week, one brother stood in the trenches in Cuba while the other awaited orders in Miami. (AP Photo/Alan Diaz)

MIAMI (AP) — Julio Castro sat at his uncle’s Miami home as President John F. Kennedy came on the television the night of Oct. 22, 1962, to tell the nation the Soviet Union was building launch sites for nuclear missiles in Cuba capable of reaching almost every city in the Western Hemisphere.

Castro had fled the Caribbean island earlier that year, and his parents and siblings were still there. He’d joined the U.S. Army in August, thinking that with the help of a superpower, he and the growing contingent of exiles in Miami could defeat the communists who had taken control nearly four years before.

Now the world was on the verge of a nuclear war. Castro stood ready for his orders, ready to do anything to secure the United States and free his family. Even kill.

Ninety miles away, his brother was prepared to do the same.

Unbeknownst to one another, Julio and Jose Castro had both enlisted in the military, the older brother with the United States, the younger with Cuba. As the U.S. and the Soviets inched closer to catastrophe half a century ago this month, one brother stood in the trenches watching Soviet troops set up outside Havana, while the other awaited orders in Miami.

Each well knows what may have happened had Kennedy heeded some advisors’ call to invade Cuba.

And each knew his role.

“War is war,” says Julio Castro, now 71.

If it comes down to it, his 69-year-old brother says in Spanish, “you fire at the enemy.”

Growing up before the revolution, the brothers shared a close bond.

As a teenager, Julio Castro remembers enjoying the delights of Havana: He would go around the city in his red Austin Healey coupe and hit the clubs with friends. His brother imagined doing the same when he was old enough.

Not everyone in Cuba lived such a life. Under Fulgencio Batista‘s rule, the gap between rich and poor grew wider and corruption was rampant. Suspected dissidents were killed. The boys’ own grandfather, a congressman who belonged to an opposition political party, was followed and harassed.

Inside their own household, there was joy and discontent when Fidel Castro, who is not related to them, and the revolutionaries marched triumphantly into Havana and took control of the government in 1959. Their father, who had studied philosophy, liked the ideas of socialism. Their mother, on the other hand, was startled by the firing squad executions of former Batista officials and many others shown on television.

So was her oldest son.

“Cuban killing Cuban, this is not right,” Julio Castro remembers thinking.

Jose Castro was also starting to develop a political consciousness of his own. He’d been asked to leave his Catholic school after joining a student revolutionary group, and because he was still too young for most jobs, his options were limited. His father found him work at a clothing factory, and it was there, speaking and meeting the workers, that he began to see another side of life in Cuba: The plight and exploitation of the underclasses.

“It was a world I didn’t know,” he recalls.

At night, when they met at home, the two young men refrained from discussing their political differences. But they increasingly led separate lives.

Jose Castro joined a union and pledged to enlist in the new government’s revolutionary army, which was no small commitment.

In order to join up, Jose had to complete a 38-mile walk to prove his stamina. He bought a pair of comfortable shoes and prepared for the trek.

Before he left, his mother came into his room.

“I know you’re going to walk,” she said. “But I wish you wouldn’t.”

He looked at his mother, wishing he could say something to console her, but knowing that his mind was firm.

“I’m going,” he said. “I’ve already promised to do it.”

His older brother, meanwhile, had begun making arrangements to leave Cuba in the months after the battle at the Bay of Pigs, in which the Cuban military routed an invading brigade of American-trained Cuban exiles.

Julio Castro applied for a student visa with the help of an uncle in Miami, not telling his brother or his father. If either knew, he feared it could put his exit in jeopardy or endanger the entire family. So on a January day in 1962, he left for the airport alone in a taxicab, without saying goodbye to anyone.

As he worked his way through an inspection at the airport, a member of the revolutionary guard, a young man from their neighborhood, recognized him.

“Julito, where are you going?” he asked.

Julio Castro went cold.

“I’m going to the United States,” he replied.

“And your father knows that?” the man asked.

“Yes,” he lied.

The guard paused, weighing the likelihood of Julio’s response.

“Have a good trip,” he said.

___

Ten months after his arrival, on Oct. 14, 1962, a U.S. Air Force U-2 spy plane flew over Cuba and took photographs of Soviet missile bases under construction on the island. Several U.S. officials argued for an immediate invasion of Cuba, but Kennedy doubted that was the best approach.

Ninety miles away, Jose Castro received orders to help guard a Soviet base in a wooded area; while he was told there were missiles inside, Castro never saw them himself. He was assigned to stand in the trenches outside, and could see the Soviets enter and leave the base.

“I thought they were rockets to defend the country, not attack,” he says.

On Oct. 22, Kennedy went on television and informed Americans of the impending nuclear threat. Any attack from Cuba in the Western Hemisphere would require “full retaliatory response upon the Soviet Union,” he said.

Julio Castro, in Miami, watched in anticipation. He had already agreed to participate in Operation Mongoose, another CIA plot to remove Fidel Castro and the communist regime from power. As the missile crisis unfolded, he was awaiting his orders to be sent for bacterial, chemical and nuclear training at Fort Knox in Kentucky.

“My goal was to secure this nation,” Julio Castro says. “That was the number one goal. Secure the nation and then try to liberate my brother.”

As the crisis escalated, the U.S. prepared for war. B-52s and intercontinental ballistic missiles were prepared to launch at a moment’s notice. Soviet and U.S. diplomats went back and forth, seeking a peaceful solution. Finally, on Oct. 27, Kennedy agreed to remove missiles in Italy and Turkey in exchange for the Soviets dismantling and removing the nuclear weapons in Cuba.

Jose Castro was sent back to the factory, where he had continued working, not yet a full member of the military. Julio Castro was shipped the next month to Fort Knox, where, even after the crisis was averted, he worked on Operation Mongoose and hoped to overthrow the communists.

Neither knew how close he had to come to fighting against his brother.

___

Jose Castro spent 30 years in the Cuban military. His mother and two sisters left the island and joined his older brother in the United States during that time.

He wasn’t allowed to communicate with them, under a rule he could not have contact with the “enemy.”

Everyone in the United States was considered an enemy.

“My family is not the enemy,” he thought.

Still, he knew vague details of their lives. His mother kept in contact with his wife, and sent him One A Day vitamins that he took for decades, even when he was sent to Angola. (Cuban troops were used to bolster the African country’s then-communist government against rebels for more than a decade beginning in the mid-1970s.)

When his military service was over, Jose Castro entered the civilian workforce. It was there that he began to see another side of the revolution. He didn’t have the benefits given to members of the military anymore – food and vacations for his family and rides to work. He and his family lived in a modest apartment with furniture his mother had bought in the 1950s.

In 2004, more than 10 years after retiring from the military, Jose Castro was granted permission to leave the country.

His older brother picked him up at the airport in Miami.

They hugged each other and cried.

“Welcome to the land of liberty,” Julio Castro said.

In some ways, Jose Castro grew up to be more like his big brother than he might have known. Both served in the military and both became civil engineers. These days they even work on projects together.

Though Cuba’s communist leaders remain at odds with the U.S. 50 years later, both governments have eased their policies, allowing more interaction between Cubans on either side of the Florida Straits.

For Julio Castro, the Cold War still remains, the mission he wanted to accomplish only half complete. The family is reunited, though in a different country than they had hoped to be.

“My brother and me, we made peace,” he says. “We made peace with each other because we are family. There is no tension because there is love.”

___

Julio and Jose de Castro are featured in the upcoming documentary by Javier Aparisi, “La Crisis de los Misiles en Miami,” ”The Cuban Missile Crisis in Miami.” More information can be found online at: http://www.misilesdeoctubre.com

CNS News

The Hezbollah Cuban Crisis: Hezbollah Opens Base in Cuba!

The Italian daily Corriere della Sera is reporting that Hezbollah is setting up a base of operations in Cuba in order to extend its ability to reach Israeli targets in Latin America…According to the Tel Aviv daily Yedioth Ahronoth, three members of Hezbollah have already arrived in Cuba to set up the cell, which will allegedly “include 23 operatives, hand-picked by Talal Hamia, a senior member tasked with heading the covert operation. The clandestine terror operation is reportedly called “The Caribbean Case.”

A year ago many prominent Israelis seemed smitten with Fidel Castro. “I thank you from the bottom of my heart,” wrote Israeli President Shimon Peres to Fidel Castro on Sept. 24, 2010:

“I must confess that your remarks were, in my opinion, unexpected and rife with unique intellectual depth. Your words presented a surprising bridge between a harsh reality and a new horizon. You tried to sail to bigger seas, to show that a small geographical size doesn’t have to reflect human smallness.”

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was not to be outdone:

“The remarks attributed to Castro demonstrate his deep understanding of the history of the Jewish people and the State of Israel.”

However, the following disturbing report has surfaced:

Peres’ and Netanyahu’s sentiments last year sprung from an interview Castro had bequeathed the Atlantic’s Jeffrey Goldberg, where he outed himself as a lifelong, but closet, Likudnik. Not coincidentally, perhaps, the interview was arranged by the CFR’s (McCain’s Council On Foreign Relations) Julia Sweig, alleged to be a Cuban “agent of influence” by the Defense Intelligence Agency’s top Cuba spycatcher, retired Lieut. Col. Chris Simmons.

One wonders if Peres’ and Netanyahu’s statements are the product of selective memory with regard to Cuba’s anti-Israel leader.

“Ahmadinejad should be ashamed of himself for denying the Holocaust,” chided Castro who, as an adolescent, carried his dog-eared Mein Kampf everywhere and who copied his “History Will Absolve Me” speech straight from Hitler’s courtroom speech defending his Rathhaus Putsch.

That was not Castro’s only act of hypocrisy. “Israel has a definite right to exist,” kibitzed the Stalinist dictator, who, a year earlier, declared that: “The Fuhrer’s swastika is today Israel’s banner,” and who co-sponsored the 1975 UN resolution branding “Zionism as Racism,” not to mention his dispatch of top troops to try and erase Israel during the Yom Kippur War.

Support Our Troops In Their Fight For Liberty: More Food Stamps, Record Home Foreclosures, The Right To Bailout Billionaire Bankers, Less Energy Assistance, Less Educational Assistance, & The Right To Educate, Hospitalize Criminal Immigrants!

“I don’t think anyone has been slandered more than the Jews,” rued the mass-murdering Castro whose media runs these cartoons.

Castro’s pro-Zionist lies to Jeffrey Goldberg went viral last year. But amazingly, without being recognized as lies — not only by Goldberg — but even by the world’s pre-eminent Zionist experts.

So why the pro-Israel lip service to begin with?

Elementary, my dear Watson. Cuba-watchers know that Castro plumbs the workings of the U.S. legislature better than most home-grown lobbyists and well knows the main power brokers.

As proof, he’s been schmoozing U.S. farm interests for over a decade. Coincidentally, perhaps, over the last decade the U.S. became one of Cuba’s biggest food suppliers. (Some “embargo.”)

Last year it was time to schmooze Israel-backers. At the same time Castro seemed poised for a pilgrimage to the Wailing Wall last year, the U.S. House Committee on Foreign Relations (HCFR) was poised for a vote vital to the financial health of his fiefdom.

Steadfast Israel-backer Howard Berman chaired this House committee at the time, and steadfast Israel-backer and committee member Senator Gary Ackerman held what looked like the deciding vote. So you see the importance of the pro-Israel lip service.

Some background:

Castro’s military and secret police own Stalinist Cuba’s tourist industry practically lock, stock and barrel. As used to be common knowledge during the Cold War, secret police and military (the only outfits with guns) maintain Communist regimes in power.

The HCFR vote would decide a further opening of U.S. tourist travel to Castro’s fiefdom. So, again, you see the importance of the issue.

Even with Rep. Ackerman taking Castro’s bait, Rep. Berman saw that the vote for Castro’s bailout was a lost cause and postponed it. A few weeks later Castro’s roaming ambassador, Aleida Guevara (Che’s daughter), was in Lebanon posing next to Hezbollah missiles aimed at Israel.

Ileana Ros-Lehtinen

The Cuban-born (and steadfast Israel-backer) Congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen was among those bemused with Netanyahu and Peres last year.

“Look, this guy has been an enemy of Israel,”

wrote Congresswoman Ros-Lehtinen to Netanyahu.

“Just because he said something that a normal person would say — after 50 years of anti-Israel incitement, it’s one phrase from an old guy who doesn’t even know where he’s standing.”

Fortunately for Israel (and unfortunately for Castro) Ileana Ros-Lehtinen recently succeeded Berman as the chairman of the House Committee on Foreign Relations and is currently leading legislative efforts for the U.S. to at least start de-funding the Castro bailout.

Political Irony

The campaign to bury the MEK’s (A Muslim Terrorist Organization) bloody history of bombings and assassinations that killed American businessmen, Iranian politicians and thousands of civilians, and to portray it as a loyal US ally against the Islamic government in Tehran has seen large sums of money directed at three principal targets: members of Congress, Washington lobby groups and influential former officials.

Prominent among the members of Congress who have received fund is Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, the chair of the House of Representatives foreign affairs committee. She has accepted at least $20,000 in donations from Iranian American groups or their leaders to her political campaign fund.

Other recipients include Congressman Bob Filner, who was twice flown to address pro-MEK events in France and has pushed resolutions in the House of Representatives calling for the group to be unbanned. More than $14,000 in expenses for Filner’s Paris trips were met by the head of an Iranian American group who also paid close to $1m to a Washington lobby firm working to get the MEK unbanned.

Scott.Net

Michele Bachmann is also a major supporter of the MEK, a terrorist Islamic group that participated in the infamous Iranian Hostage crisis (taking US diplomats hostage) in 1979. But Bachmann wants them removed from the US terrorist list, calling them “one of the bravest Iranian dissident groups” and “freedom seeking”.

The biggest question now is whether Hezbollah will content itself with Israeli targets. The arrest of a Hezbollah member tasked with setting up a cell in Tijuana was confirmed in a memo from the Tucson Police Department in April 2010.

“Many experts believe Hezbollah and drug cartels have worked together for decades,”

wrote U.S. Rep. Sue Myric (R-NC) to the U.S. Department of Homeland Security.

“Hezbollah operates almost like a Mafia family in Northern Mexico, often demanding protection money and ‘taxes’ from local inhabitants.”

She also noted that lately gang tattoos of many prisoners in Arizona jails are written in Farsi.

“Several reports, citing U.S. law enforcement and intelligence sources, document that Hezbollah operatives have provided weapons and explosives training to drug trafficking organizations that operate along the U.S. border with Mexico,”

testified Roger Noriega (former U.S. ambassador to the Organization of American States) to the House’s Subcommittee on Counter-terrorism and Intelligence.

“If our government and responsible partners in Latin America fail to act,”

continued ambassador Noriega’s July 7th testimony,

“I believe there will be an attack on U.S. personnel, installations or interests in the Americas as soon as Hezbollah operatives believe that they are capable of such an operation without implicating their

Iranian (???) sponsors in the crime.”

Posted By Humberto Fontova On September 6, 2011 @ 12:31 am

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