Jew World Order

Abraham (Abe) Feinberg (1908-1998) was a a rich and powerful Jew who spent his entire life using his wealth and influence behind the scenes as a shadowy influence peddler, arms smuggler, political fixer, and espionage agent who dedicated his life to manipulating American politicians into giving the Zionist state of Israel anything it wanted — including nuclear weapons — all at the expense of American security and the subversion of numerous laws.

The website Israellobby.org — which has posted many FBI surveillance files on Feinberg — wrote this introduction about him:

“Abraham Feinberg is best known lobbying for the state of Israel and organizing Harry S Truman’s “whistle-stop” fundraising tour that saved his 1948 presidential campaign from certain ruin. Feinberg’s [New York Times] obituary hints at a role trafficking arms to Jewish fighters in Palestine.

As founder of Americans for Haganah and Foundry Associates, Inc., Feinberg was deeply involved in the Haganah arms smuggling network in the United States. More recently, authors such as Anver Cohen and Michael Karpin document in the book “Israel and the Bomb” and “The Bomb in the Basement” Feinberg’s role in undermining US nuclear nonproliferation policy.

On October 31, 1958 Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion noted in his diary a conversation “he had with Abraham Feinberg, a wealthy Jewish businessman and major Democratic fund-raiser” to raise funds for Israel’s nuclear weapons program among “benedictors” in the United States.

A few years later, President John F. Kennedy fought for biannual international inspections of Dimona and verifiable Israeli assurances that it was not a nuclear weapons production facility. In 1960 Feinberg funded the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) as it mounted US disinformation campaigns about Israel’s nuclear weapons program. JFK’s assassination in 1963 marked the gradual end of inspections and the US nonproliferation drive toward Israel.

Feinberg’s [FBI] file reveals the FBI’s ongoing law enforcement interest in Feinberg’s activities as an espionage (offense code 54) threat from the time he was investigated for dodging the WWII draft, arms trafficking through the front company Foundry Associates, and on into the early 1960’s over frequent meetings with Israeli intelligence officers.

In 1952 Feinberg, acting as president of the lobbying newsletter Israel Speaks, (a successor publication to Haganah Speaks) was ordered to begin registering as an Israeli foreign agent. Feinberg and his close associate David Wahl considered selling it to the Jerusalem Post, but later closed it down rather than register. Wahl, among other Feinberg associates, was a longtime undercover Soviet agent (beginning in the 1930’s, code named “Pink”) in the United States.

FBI surveillance coverage of Feinberg stops during a period reporter Seymour Hersh characterizes as Feinberg’s moment of greatest influence over US policy: the Lyndon B. Johnson administration….”

Feinberg had intimate access to three post-war U.S. presidents — Truman, Kennedy, and Johnson — yet he avoided publicity during his entire life — so much so that he rarely allowed photographs to be taken of him — and granted only one interview during his entire life.

And even now — over 25 years after his death — there is still a virtual media blackout about Feinberg except for occasional laudatory articles by pro-Zionist sites — no books have been written about this powerful figure who had more influence on U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East than any other private citizen.

That Feinberg’s privacy is still being protected is undeniable — if you look up Abraham Feinberg on Wikipedia, you will not find an entry for him — but you will find an entry for an obscure rabbi in Canada by the same name who — ironically — was an anti-nuclear activist — the very subject that Abraham Feinberg dedicated his life to promoting for Israel.

If Feinberg’s identity and life weren’t still kept in the shadows, no doubt there would be a 30-foot bronze statue of him in Tel Aviv — he is literally that important to the history of Israel and its current status as a world superpower.

Feinberg’s name came up in our article on the JFK assassination — The Road To Dealey Plaza — How JFK’s Refusal To Allow Israel Nuclear Weapons Sealed His Death Warrant — as it was Abe Feinberg who was sent by JFK to “inspect” Israel’s “peaceful” nuclear program at Dimona — the nuclear program that Feinberg was instrumental in financing.

Feinberg is also appeared in our article — How American Jews And The Mossad Conspired To Steal U.S. Uranium For Israel’s Secret Nuclear Weapons Program — where we briefly mentioned Feinberg’s role in facilitating the theft of enriched uranium in America to fuel Israel’s illegal development of nuclear weapons — a fact that JFK was unaware of when he took Feinberg into his confidence as an advisor.

The only unofficial biographical sketch on Abe Feinberg was submitted as an undergraduate thesis by Max Rotenberg — based on interviews with close family, friends and associates of Feinberg. You can find that document in our library.

Below we have excerpted highlights from Rotenberg’s biography — showing the extent of Feinberg’s power and intrigue — and this merely scratches the surface.

Each paragraph below is a direct quote from this biographical thesis — followed by the page number on which it appears. We have also included our own editorial notes and commentary throughout. Footnotes and sources are provided in the original document.

If any of our readers have additional information concerning Abe Feinberg, please cite it in the comments section and we will add it to this article.

Man in the Middle: Abe Feinberg & US-Israel Relations, 1945-1968

Excerpts:

“Feinberg represented the pinnacle of the Jewish political and business elite in post-World-War-II America.” (p.1)

“He used his money and influence to help establish a Jewish state in Palestine, smuggling weapons to the Haganah and urging American politicians to recognize the new Jewish state as soon as it declared its independence in 1948.” (p.2)

[CFT Note: Feinberg’s involvement in illegal arms smuggling to Jewish terror gangs in Palestine would have most assuredly brought him into close contact with Jewish organized crime figures who were known to be involved in this activity — including Mickey Cohen, Meyer Lansky, and Lee Harvey Oswald’s assassin, Jack Ruby.]

“Like most American Jews, he had no intention of moving to Israel, but was deeply committed to seeing it prosper… ” (p.2)

“Despite Feinberg’s contacts at the highest levels of the US-Israel relationship, he was secretive and shunned publicity. He conducted only two extensive interviews detailing his involvement in US-Israel relations, only one of which has been made public.” (p.3)

“Former President of Brandeis University, Dr. Jehuda Reinharz, recalls asking Feinberg to fund a new center for ethics in the mid 1990s. When Feinberg agreed, Reinharz proposed calling it the Feinberg Center for Ethics as an inducement to get others to give to the university. Feinberg disagreed, to the point where he told Reinharz that he would provide no funding to the center except anonymously. Feinberg told Reinharz that he doubted whether he had lived a life of sufficient moral rectitude to have his name associated with a center focused on ethics.” (p.4)

[CFT Note: So-called “Jewish ethics” is an oxymoron — and is best summed up in the question, “But is it good for the Jews?“]

“Feinberg kept no diary and did not leave his letters for posterity.” (p.4)

“His nephews, Daniel and David, both recall him as an “important man,” a “godfather-”like figure who provided for the family’s welfare.” (p.4)

“[Son-in-law, Norbert] Weissberg explained that Feinberg was “very proactive in keeping his name out of the papers.” He did not want to step on the toes of the powerful people he was influencing. He consciously chose not to be photographed with American presidents doing anything more than shaking their hands. (p. 4-5)”[Son-in-law, Norbert] Weissberg explained that Feinberg was “very proactive in keeping his name out of the papers.” He did not want to step on the toes of the powerful people he was influencing. He consciously chose not to be photographed with American presidents doing anything more than shaking their hands.” (p. 4-5)

“I think the reason he did not want to write his autobiography is because people like me and you would come and look, and he probably thought that some of the stuff would come and damage Israel,” Reinharz told me. (p.5)

[CFT Note: Like most organized crime figures, Feinberg knew better than to write anything down or keep a diary. Not only was he concerned about damaging Israel’s reputation — despite doing a good job of it themselves — Feinberg knew there was no statute of limitations on espionage and treason — and that he could be arrested, tried and executed even in his old age if researchers started digging into his criminal past.]

“…Importantly, Zionism was only one solution to the “Jewish Problem.” Some saw socialism or communism as the solution.” (p.9)

“In fact, the vast majority of Jews who left Europe immigrated to the United States, not Palestine….These new immigrants saw America as the answer to the “Jewish Question,” not Zionism. Thus, many immigrants sought to distance themselves from an ideology that could be interpreted as taking away from their Americanness.” (p.9-10)

“The aforementioned FBI records also state that an employee of Grove Nylon Company disputed that Feinberg ever worked there and suggested that this hire was for the purpose of military deferment in order to repay Feinberg for a generous loan.” (p.13)

“Luckily for Feinberg, he had a client in St. Louis who was friends with Robert Hannegan, then chair of the Democratic National Committee and the man who was responsible for tapping Harry Truman to be Roosevelt’s running mate in 1944….Feinberg recalls, adding that Hannegan “would do anything I wanted.” (p.13)

“Feinberg [told Truman], “…But I don’t think any president can be sure that just because he does something for the Jews he is going to get their complete support.” (p.16)

[CFT Note: Of course Truman found this out the hard way — when he didn’t move fast enough to recognize the new Israeli state, a bomb was delivered in a package to the White House. And after bending over backwards to please his Jewish supporters, they still weren’t pleased, leading Truman to write in his diary in 1947: “…The Jews have no sense of proportion nor do they have any judgment on world affairs… The Jews, I find, are very, very selfish. They care not how many Estonians, Latvians, Finns, Poles, Yugoslavs or Greeks get murdered or mistreated as D[isplaced] P[erson]s as long as the Jews get special treatment. Yet when they have power, physical, financial or political neither Hitler nor Stalin has anything on them for cruelty or mistreatment to the under dog.”]

“Over the next four years (1945-1949), Feinberg became intimately involved in arms smuggling to Israel. Many of the specifics were left intentionally vague and are difficult to verify. Feinberg himself serves as the only source detailing his specific involvement, thus providing only a partial and an admittedly self-serving account. Everything else must be gleaned from circumstantial evidence. This should not be unexpected, especially from a shadowy figure with high-powered contacts like Feinberg. As we shall see, he all but admitted to breaking the law, but was never caught. Those that knew what he was doing, especially in Israel, have likely actively suppressed what they knew while Feinberg was careful only to leave traces of what he wanted known.” (p.18)

“Feinberg was working with a larger group of American Jews in the New York area to smuggle weapons to the Zionists in Palestine, under the direction of Teddy Kollek, a low ranking Haganah official who would later become Jerusalem’s first mayor. Feinberg would also work with scrap metal industrialists who had access to weapons lists that were deemed “scrap” and other new companies that were ostensibly repurposing war materials for civilian use but in reality were sending them to Palestine. He may have even been working with the Jewish mafia.” (p.18-19)

[CFT Note: Kollek may have been a “low-ranking” Hagannah official, but he had important connections to leading espionage figures working for Victor Rothschild. In a previous article, we pointed out, “While stationed in Turkey in 1947 as head of British intelligence there, [British super spy, Kim] Philby clearly established connections to Israeli intelligence through Teddy Kollek — the witness at his first wedding — as Philby appears to have had prior knowledge of the Israeli bombing of the King David Hotel.“]

“Declassified FBI files show him being actively involved with a shell company, Foundry Associates Inc. which was probably responsible for funding some of this operation. Feinberg also stored guns in his basement, linked via an underground tunnel he built to his synagogue. (p.19)”Declassified FBI files show him being actively involved with a shell company, Foundry Associates Inc. which was probably responsible for funding some of this operation. Feinberg also stored guns in his basement, linked via an underground tunnel he built to his synagogue.” (p.19)

[CFT Note: We would strongly suspect that it was through Feinberg’s shell company — Foundry Associates or a bogus subsidiary — that he facilitated the theft of enriched uranium from U.S. sources to Israel.]

“He fundraised and donated money for ships full of ammunition to be sent to Palestine, and machinery to make bullets and mortars at a secret underground bullet factory in Israel. He also arranged for eight B-17 bomber planes to be flown illicitly to Palestine during Israel’s War of Independence between 1947-1949.” (p.19)

“Writing in the Weizmann Institute’s Newsletter in 1974, he said, “although I never bought a gun myself or negotiated the purchase of a ship, many transactions were carried out from my house in Mount Vernon.” This was likely a hedge to state for the record that he had not violated any laws, most notably the Neutrality Act, which prevented US citizens from providing arms to combatants in a war in which the US was neutral.” (p.22)

[CFT Note: In other words, Feinberg was careful to always distance himself from the actual crime taking place — as the ultimate Jewish “middle man” — following the Jewish creed, “I can get it for you wholesale.”]

“Late in life, Feinberg admitted to his friend and former president of Brandeis, Abe Sachar: “If he told the true story of my activities during the pre-state period, I’m damn glad that over forty years have elapsed so that law enforcement authorities can’t get after me.” (p..23)

[CFT Note: It wasn’t just the “pre-state” period that Feinberg was concerned about — gun running is nothing compared to the assassination of a sitting U.S. president and nuclear espionage — just ask the Rosenberg’s how that turned out for them.]

“US authorities caught nine individuals who were thought to be smuggling aircraft to Israel. The most notable of them was Adolf “Al” Schwimmer….indicted on charges of violating the Neutrality Act, which prohibits providing arms to a nation at war while the US was neutral…the Israeli Embassy contacted Feinberg to “intercede with U.S. Government officials” on this case. Feinberg did, and while Schwimmer was found guilty, he was kept out of prison and fined $10,000.” (p.23-24)

“Feinberg (at Ben Gurion’s urging) also began publishing The Haganah Speaks, a propaganda newsletter that was aimed at “educating” American lawmakers about the situation on the ground in Palestine, in order to foster support for the Jewish community in Palestine. At its apex, it was read by over 100,000 people, most importantly Senators, Congressmen, their staffs, and state officials around the country.” (p.26-27)

“Feinberg delivered the $100,000 he promised in two days, not two weeks, from Jewish communities around the country who felt a debt of gratitude to Truman for his recognition of Israel. In all, Feinberg would raise $250,000 from the Jewish community during the presidential campaign. As the train would move from city to city, Feinberg arranged for representatives from the local Jewish community to come aboard Truman’s train and deliver the donations to pay for the next leg of the trip.” (p..29)

“Truman would tell Feinberg, “If not for my friend Abe, I couldn’t have made the trip and
would not have been elected.” Feinberg’s contributions were viewed by Truman as essential for his presidency….For the next 20 years, Democratic presidential hopefuls courted his endorsement.” (p.29)

[CFT Note: In the 1948 election, most pundits didn’t give Truman a chance against the republican — Thomas Dewey — but the margins were close enough in key states — California, Illinois, and Ohio — that a huge influx of Jewish money could swing those states in Truman’s favor. Truman won those states by only a 1% margin.]

“Feinberg shifted into a new role into US-Israeli relations. He met regularly with Israeli embassy officials, both at their embassy and in his home in Mt. Vernon to develop policy. Feinberg would also meet with Truman personally, oftentimes immediately after meeting with embassy officials to ensure that he was parroting Israel’s official positions.” (p.29-30)

“Publicly, Feinberg told The Jerusalem Post that he told Weizmann, “If I were you, whatever Truman says, I’d accept.” Weissberg recalls, however, that privately, Feinberg told him that Weizmann was going to ask only for $10 million. Feinberg responded by saying “If you need $10 million, ask for $100 million.” Weizmann was aghast. He couldn’t even dream of mouthing that number. Yet, when push came to shove, he did. While Truman’s $100 million offer ended up diluted through an Export-Import Bank loan, it became the first aid given to Israel.” (p.30)

“Feinberg was given preferential treatment and was given information directly from the Israeli government. That he was one of the first people from the “Ben-Gurion crowd” with access to the American President only enhanced Feinberg’s distinction as a go-between for the US and Israel.” (p..31)

“Therefore, the Israelis needed a mechanism to coordinate Jewish and Zionist leaders in the United States with Israeli policy to make sure that everyone was on the same page. This led Israeli Ambassador to the US, Abba Eban, to create what would become the Conference of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations. This group, of whom Feinberg was a part, would meet at the embassy “on a regular basis and during times of emergency.” As a result of Feinberg’s presence in this selective working group of eight-to-nine people, he was given privileged access to Israeli information and policy proposals, giving him influence both with the American Zionist community and with the Truman Administration.” (p.32)

“Feinberg understood the aid bill in political terms. He believed that it was politically detrimental for the Democrats to pass such a large aid bill for which he believed the Republicans would get the lions’ share of the credit. So he proposed a compromise bill of equal aid to Arab states and Israel that would be rolled into the mutual security aid program. Thus, historian Walter Hixson explains that “working with [Secretary of State Dean] Acheson, Feinberg became the fixer in the eventual compromise in the debate over the Taft-Douglas bill,” a bill that allocated $65 million to the Israelis and $65 million to the Arabs… It led the FBI to conclude by the end of Truman’s presidency: Feinberg “had been used by the Israelis as a means of influencing United States policy in relation to Israel.” (p.33)

[CFT Note: For more insight into Feinberg’s “highly improper” influence on the Truman Administration, see the book What Price Israel by the anti-Zionist Jew, Alfred Lilienthal.]

“Throughout the mid-1950s, Kayser and Company sold much of its wares under the popular brand name “Fruit of the Loom….” (p.35)

[CFT Note: An example of Jewish alchemy — how to turn underwear into one of the world’s largest nuclear arsenals.]

….To ensure a stable transition, Feinberg stayed on with the company for five years, then took most of his earnings and used them to start a bank in 1964. His bank, American Bank and Trust, grew to be one of America’s largest banks.” (p.35)

[CFT Note: According to Michael Collins Piper, in Chapter 7 of his book on the JFK assassination — Final Judgment — Feinberg’s bank, American Bank and Trust, was apparently established as a subsidiary of the Swiss-Israel Trade Bank — both of which laundered money to finance the Israeli Mossad. Piper connects — Rosenbaum and Shaul Eisenberg — the directors of the Swiss-Israel Bank to the JFK assassination.]

“So, in 1951, Feinberg used his business acumen to organize a strategy conference in Jerusalem to plan how Israel would secure the requisite funding. Out of this three-day conference emerged five vehicles for finance: Israel’s own tax base; the creation of the Israel Bonds Organization; direct aid from US citizens themselves through charitable contributions; direct loans from the US government; and outside investment in Israel.” (p.36)

“In 1957, two years into his presidency, Feinberg proudly announced that the Israel Bond Organization raised nearly $50 million in 1957 alone and had raised $320 million since 1951 (or nearly $3 billion in 2021 dollars).” (p.37)

[CFT Note: This is a staggering amount of money for the time — when the average cost of an American was $5,000 — today it is 25 times that amount. And this money was raised at a time when the economy was still in a small post-war recession.]

“It is also possible that Feinberg was intrigued by the future research possibilities of the Weizmann Institute. Recalling one of his reasons for donating to the institute 27 years later, Feinberg wrote: “Dr. Ernest Bergmann, then director of the Institute, was also a very great attraction.” Bergmann was the director of the Institute for only four years before he was asked by Chaim Weizmann to step down because he over-emphasized using the Institute for military purposes. Bergmann was a protege of Ben-Gurion who helped make the case throughout the 1950s for Israel’s need for an atomic weapons program. He would go on to serve as Ben-Gurion’s scientific advisor and the head of the Israeli Atomic Energy Commission.” (p.38)

“The historian Seymour Hersh describes the following scene in Feinberg’s back yard during the fall of 1947, the precise period that Feinberg became involved with the Weizmann Institute. One night over dinner, added Feinberg, “Bergmann’s eyes lit up and he said, “There’s uranium in the desert.’” There was no question about the message — the path was now cleared for Israel to develop the atomic bomb. Feinberg was astonished at such indiscreet talk: “I shushed him up.” (p.39)

“Feinberg personally was guilt-ridden for not doing more during the Holocaust and Ben-Gurion was terrified by the possibility that “another Holocaust” could happen. Despite any amount of military strength Israel may have possessed relative to its Arab neighbors, throughout his life Ben-Gurion fixated on the prospect that if unified, the collective armies of Israel’s Arab neighbors could destroy Israel and create a second Holocaust. Only an alliance with one or more of the Western powers or a nuclear weapon would allow Israel to maintain a sufficient deterrent.” (p.39)

[CFT Note: While many prominent Jews at the time didn’t believe the Holocaust atrocity stories, many Jews chose to believe it — not because it made any logical sense, but rather because it served the larger Zionist agenda — and it provided the Jews with a way to deflect any and all criticism of organized Jewry and Israel.]

“Therefore, on October 31, 1958, Ben-Gurion called Feinberg to discuss Dimona. He knew of Feinberg’s fundraising prowess as the current head of Israel Bonds and his commitment to arming Israel from his pre-state activities. Shortly thereafter, the secret fundraising campaign for Dimona began. Israeli nuclear historian Michael Karpin asserts that Feinberg was “Ben-Gurion’s representative in charge of obtaining donations from the wealthiest Jews in the world.” Over the next two years, Feinberg helped raise $40 million dollars for Dimona from 25-30 Jewish millionaires.” (p.40)

[CFT Note: The list of these wealthy, international Jewish donors includes the Rothschilds — along with others — like the Bronfmans — who have been linked to the JFK assassination: “…Samuel Zacks, head of the Canadian Zionist Organization, Louis Bloomfield, Canandian member of OSS during World War II and later legal counsel to another Dimona contributor, Samuel Bronfman, founder of Seagram Whisky. Europeans that were said to have contributed included Baron Edmund de Rothschild of the English banking family, Baron Isaac Wolfson, founder of a successful mail order business in Britain, and Baron Marcus Sieff, son of Israel Sieff who founded the Sieff Institute, chair of a large British retailer and later chancellor of the Weizmann Institute. A French citizen, Gustave Leven, was another Dimona donor. His fortune came from the mineral-water company Perrier, which he founded. It took a while, but President Eisenhower eventually learned that these wealthy members of the international Jewish community were providing large sums of money to finance Dimona’s construction.”]

“They would get Dimona off the ground and change the starting point of any upcoming Israeli debate on Dimona from “why fund Dimona” to “we can’t talk about funding Dimona for national security reasons, pass the funding.” Furthermore, Feinberg retrospectively told Seymour Hersh: “He [Peres] came to me often for money. If he gave the assignment to me, I helped him.” (p.41)

“Here was a private US citizen, with a legitimate relationship with the former president of the United States, helping another country obtain a nuclear reactor. In 1958, there was not a law prohibiting that specific act. Furthermore, Feinberg was never asked to register as a foreign agent under the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) of 1938 with regards to either his fundraising for Dimona or Israel Bonds, or his connection to the Truman Administration.” (p.41)

[CFT Note: Technically speaking, it may not have been illegal yet to help another country obtain a nuclear reactor, but it most certainly was illegal for Feinberg and his cronies to help steal enriched uranium from U.S. government sources to make those reactors a reality.]

“He also avoided Senator Richard Fulbright’s Senate Foreign Relations investigation into Jewish pro-Israel lobbying of Congress in 1963, making his record clean. Yet, based on all he did on behalf of the Israeli government, that he never registered as a foreign agent under FARA opened him up to the possibility of criminal prosecution, a prosecution he never faced.” (p.41)

[CFT Note: The U.S. Internal Revenue Service (IRS) refused to cooperate with the Fulbright investigation — not surprising considering the acting director of the IRS at the time was Mortimer Caplin — who “just so happened to be” a Jewish Zionist — and honored member of the American Jewish Committee.]

“Nevertheless, Feinberg’s activities did place him in the dubious position of undermining US national security interests.” (p.41)

[CFT Note: “Dubious” here being a euphemism for “criminally responsible”.]

“From 1958-1960, as construction of the nuclear facility at Dimona was commencing, the US failed to recognize what was occurring. The CIA’s aerial intelligence of the site could not prove that it was a nuclear weapons plant, and even if it could, it wasn’t shared with the Pentagon or State Department….the one instance President Eisenhower was given the raw aerial intelligence about Dimona, he did nothing.” (p.42)

[CFT Note: see our article During 1957 Suez Crisis Eisenhower Lamented U.S. Middle East Policy Was Already ‘Controlled By Jewish Influence’ — to better understand why Eisenhower did nothing about Dimona. U.S. Intelligence did recognize what was happening, but political pressure was exerted to look the other way.]

“Kennedy, Feinberg, and Ribicoff, each thought it would be beneficial for Kennedy to meet
leaders of the American Jewish community. Kennedy hoped to get the “Jewish vote” while
Feinberg hoped to establish another relationship with the future president and gain his support for Israel.” (p.43)

“August 20, 1960, Feldman sent out a memo to those who had attended the meeting with detailed responses to Kennedy’s positions on topics which had not been answered in the meeting. Essentially, they were clarifications of Kennedy’s pro-Israel and pro-Jewish record in Congress. Evidently, this was enough for the group to pledge $500,000 (or $4.44 million in 2021) to the Kennedy campaign “on the clear understanding that it would be repaid—and it was.” This campaign donation and the expectation of a quid pro quo were critical components of the Kennedy-Feinberg relationship.” (p.43-44)

[CFT Note: In other words, when Kennedy refused to allow Israel nuclear weapons, Feinberg and his henchmen felt that this “quid pro quo” agreement — bribe — was broken, and all bets were off.]

“Feinberg told historian Seymour Hersh thirty years later. Feinberg’s donation and the expectations attached to it created the most transactional of any of his relationships with a president. Kennedy’s acute awareness of this reality could explain why Feinberg perceived that “it was difficult for Kennedy to relate to me on a real warm personal basis.” (p.44)

[CFT Note: Most likely JFK did not have a “warm” relationship with Feinberg because he didn’t trust him — and knew he was a very dangerous man to cross. And no doubt, Feinberg wanted JFK to fear him.

And Feinberg didn’t trust JFK because Jews knew that Joe Kennedy, Sr. was an open admirer of Hitler. The Kennedys had a reputation of being anti-Jewish in private — as is witnessed by JFK’s diary entries praising Hitler. Clearly, between JFK and Feinberg there was palpable mutual mistrust.]

“The first repayment came in a very pro-Israel speech to the Zionist Organization of America while on the campaign trail on August 26, 1960. In the speech, Kennedy asserted that “Israel is here to stay” and that friendship with Israel “is not a partisan matter. It is a national commitment.” Kennedy treated that speech as “his Bible.” It was his on-the-record commitment to the Jewish community that was kept in a book compiled by the Bureau of the Budget for reference as a mechanism to tie his hands.” (p.44)

“Feinberg would go on to deliver more than just money. He helped push a massive advertising campaign in the Yiddish press to help turn out the Jewish vote.” (p.44)

“In such a close election, exit polling said that Kennedy won almost 81% of the Jewish vote. This meant that Jews supported Kennedy even more than his fellow Catholics (73%). According to Ben-Gurion’s biographer Michael Bar-Zohar, Kennedy himself told Ben-Gurion in their 1961 meeting that he owed his presidency to the Jewish vote.” (p.45)

[CFT Note: The 1960 election came down to swinging Illinois in favor of Kennedy over Nixon. And it has become common knowledge that organized labor unions in Illinois — under the control of Jewish organized crime figures — such as Sidney Korschak — executed stuffing the ballot boxes in favor of Kennedy.]

“…Nevertheless, despite all that Feinberg did for Kennedy’s election campaign, his role in
the US-Israel relationship under Kennedy is the most opaque and difficult to trace. There is little documentary evidence of it in the Kennedy Library, and Feinberg himself had the coolest relationship with Kennedy of the three presidents with whom he worked. It is in the absence of a friendship that Feinberg’s money became the primary factor in the relationship”. (p.45)

[CFT Note: No doubt most of the incriminating records relating to Kennedy and Israel have been purged from the archives — part of the massive cover-up conducted by James Jesus Angelton — the C.I.A.’s counter-intelligence chief who sat on the Israel Desk at Langley.]

“Furthermore, that Kennedy had a debt to Feinberg should not be underestimated. Thus, tracing American actions taken in concert with Feinberg’s and Israel’s goals can yield us insights into Feinberg’s influence.” (p.45)

“University of Michigan nuclear physicist Henry Gomberg visited Israel at the end of November
and reported seeing a French style nuclear facility. Based on his conversations with Israeli
nuclear physicists, Gomberg concluded that the Israelis were building a nuclear weapons facility.” (p.47)

“By December 1960, after a conversation between US Ambassador to Israel Ogden Reid and
Ernest Bergmann, head of Israel’s Atomic Energy Commission, the National Security Council
(NSC) met and, after re-evaluating all the evidence, determined that Israel was indeed pursuing a nuclear weapons capability.” (p.46-47)

“The New York Times—ran claiming that Israel was pursuing a nuclear weapons option. While the Israelis tried to tamp down this discussion through statements from their embassy, pressure had gotten so high that Ben-Gurion himself felt compelled to issue a statement
to the Knesset (Israel’s parliament) publicly saying that the Dimona nuclear facility was to
“serve the needs of industry, agriculture, health and science.” He flatly denied that Israel was manufacturing a nuclear weapon.” (p.47)

[CFT Note: So in other words, as early as 1961 it had become public knowledge that Israel was intent upon manufacturing illegal nuclear weapons — which contradicts Israel’s justification to keep it a secret — that it was strategically beneficial to keep their enemies “guessing”.]

“…Even early in his presidency, Kennedy was “intellectually and emotionally committed to a halt in the spread of nuclear weapons.” His primary area of focus was Israel’s nuclear program.” (p.47-48)

“From February 1961-April 1961, a pattern emerged of the US pushing through various
diplomatic channels to set a date for the visit to Dimona and Ben-Gurion dodging it….Ultimately, however, when Special Assistant to the President (and Kennedy’s formal
liaison to the Jewish community) Mike Feldman and Abe Feinberg visited Ben-Gurion at the end of March 1961, Ben-Gurion agreed to schedule a visit. According to Ben-Gurion’s diary, he was persuaded by Feinberg and Feldman that a meeting with Kennedy would save the program. Feinberg was likely the key persuader here. Karpin argues that Feldman was treated as an American representative but that Ben-Gurion regarded Feinberg as “one of us.” Feinberg had assisted the Haganah in the pre-state period. Feinberg also knew the true purpose of what was going on at Dimona. He had funded it!” (p.48)

“However, dating back to Feinberg’s first meeting with Kennedy in August 1960, Feinberg was
already on the record that his donations were made “on the clear understanding that they would be repaid.” Perhaps this was the sort of repayment Feinberg desired: a meeting with the prime minister of Israel to quell the administration’s fears regarding Israel’s nuclear program. Thus, having Ben-Gurion “cut the line” and meet with the president before he met with other foreign leaders could be understood as a second favor to Feinberg.” (p.49)

[CFT Note: It appears that Kennedy was ignorant of the evidence that Zionist Jews like Feinberg had already been actively involved in stealing enriched uranium from U.S. stockpiles and shipped to Israel — in a May 1963 meeting with the French ambassador — Hervé Alphand — Kennedy stated, “If Israel had atomic weapons, we would be blamed equally — you for furnishing uranium — and we for the financial aid given to Israel.”]

“Kennedy, while pleased by the reports he received from the US visit to Dimona two weeks earlier, said that “a woman should not only be virtuous, but also have the appearance of virtue,” in reference to Dimona.” (p.50)

“He [JFK] also said that the US would “use its weight against such a proliferation.” (p.50)

“Feinberg organized the critical meeting between Ben-Gurion and Kennedy that would set the tone for US-Israel relations for the next two years on Israel’s nuclear program, an issue that had the potential to be and indeed became the biggest fissure in the US-Israel relationship during the Kennedy Administration. Yet, as a result of this meeting and Ben-Gurion’s lie to Kennedy, the nuclear issue became a non-issue until 1963, much to Feinberg and the Israelis’ delight.” (p.51)

“The president said, ‘Look, Abe, when all is said and done, the only Jew who was for me [early in the campaign] was Abe Feinberg.’” On October 5th, Feinberg’s brother Wilfred was appointed to United States District Court for the Southern District of New York, paying off another debt to a campaign financier.” (p.52)

“With the dangers of nuclear proliferation at the front of his mind, the midterm elections
past, and believing he had already given Israel a major diplomatic gift by selling it advanced
HAWK missiles in 1962, the first American advanced weapons sale to Israel, Kennedy thought
the time was right to press Ben-Gurion on further inspections. Feinberg would fight “the
strongest battle of my career to keep them from a full inspection.” (p.53)

[CFT Note: Letters exchanged between JFK and Ben-Gurion over the nuclear controversy have been declassified — and can be read here.]

“The CIA believed Israel would become more bellicose to its neighbors, leading Israel’s neighbors to turn to the Soviet Union for arms and essentially dividing the Middle East along Cold War lines. In doing so, Israel would become a client of the US and the Arabs clients of the Soviet Union.” (p.53)

[CFT Note: If true, then the C.I.A. was incredibly naive — Russia was armed with nuclear weapons thanks to the machinations and espionage of countless Jews in America — such as Ted Hall and the Rosenbergs — and the same Jews gave that same technology to their co-ethnics in Israel. It would be simply unbelievable that the highest levels of Intelligence didn’t know this — and we can assume that the C.I.A.’s head of counter-intelligence, James Jesus Angelton, knew full well about this subversion — and aided and abetted it.]

“On March 15th, the State Department concluded that Israel had decided to proceed with
nuclear enrichment at a level sufficient to make weapons. Eleven days later, Kennedy
instructed his national security advisor to “undertake every feasible measure to improve our intelligence on the Israeli nuclear program.” (p.53)

“By May 1963, negotiations between the US and Israel were happening bilaterally through letters directly between Ben-Gurion and Kennedy and instructions from Kennedy to US Ambassador to Israel, Wally Barbour, on what to tell Ben-Gurion. Kennedy stressed the importance of obtaining truthful information about Israel’s nuclear activities, arguing that Israel’s possession would kick off global proliferation. He also explicitly stated that American support and commitment to Israel “would be seriously jeopardize[d]” without a clear understanding of Israel’s nuclear intentions.” (p.54)

“[Ben-Gurion] said that “annual visits” could be permitted, but that there was no reason to do so until January when the facility was completed. Here, Ben-Gurion tried to buy time so that the Americans could only see what he wanted them to see.” (p.54)

“On June 15, Kennedy planned to respond to Ben-Gurion, insisting on inspections every six months and an inspection early that summer. The telegram was never delivered to Ben-Gurion. Ben-Gurion resigned unexpectedly the day before it was scheduled to arrive.”(p.55)

[CFT Note: Clearly, from an Israeli perspective, David Ben-Gurion’s “sudden” resignation as Prime Minister was part of the JFK assassination planning — to distance him from the event and give him “plausible deniability”. When Ben-Gurion “unexpectedly” resigned during their heated exchanges over Dimona, JFK should have suspected that it was part of a larger game afoot.]

“It wouldn’t be until July that Ben-Gurion’s successor, Levi Eshkol, received the letter intended for Ben-Gurion, then until August 19th when Eshkol would give his final response allowing for a visit in late 1963. He also said that future visits would be possible but should be discussed at a later date. The actual American visit wouldn’t take place until January 1964, the original date Ben-Gurion proposed months earlier.” (p.55)

[CFT Note: Obviously, Eshkol delayed the inspection of Dimona until after November 1963 when he knew JFK would have become a “non-factor”.]

“Perhaps Feinberg played a role in the background. As historian Seymour Hersh reported,
Feinberg had said, “I fought the strongest battle of my career to keep them from a full inspection. I violently intervened not once but half a dozen times.” (p.56)

[CFT Note: Feinberg’s language here is telling — almost an implicit admission that the Zionists had resorted to “violence” against JFK in order to get their way.]

“Feinberg claimed to Hersh that he was notified of US demands for inspections by Myer Feldman. Through Feldman, Feinberg relayed his political complaints about inspections to the President. “The message was anything but subtle,” Hersh reports. “Insisting on an inspection of Dimona would result in less support in the 1964 presidential campaign.” (p.56)

[CFT Note: Yes, it’s hard to get any re-election support from the Jewish community when you’re dead.]

“On December 5th, 1963 Feinberg scheduled a fundraiser for the Weizmann Institute at New York’s newest hotel, the Americana. Kennedy himself was to be the keynote speaker and honoree. Tickets to the event cost $250 a seat (or more than $2,000 in 2021 dollars). While not a fundraiser for him per se, Kennedy would have had the opportunity to speak directly to some of New York’s wealthiest Jewish and pro-Israel constituents. Indeed, the invitation itself had a message from Feinberg saying that Kennedy’s presence “demonstrates President Kennedy’s interest in the welfare of Israel and the American Jewish Community.” Kennedy never attended the gala for the Weizmann Institute in his honor. On November 22, 1963, he was assassinated in Dallas Texas.” (p.56-57)

[CFT Note: No doubt the Israelis scheduled this fundraiser knowing full well that Kennedy would never attend it — their alibi would be, “Why would we schedule a fundraiser for Kennedy if we were going to kill him?“]

“…Shaken by the murder of the president, Feinberg received a condolence letter from Teddy Kollek, his Israeli friend from the pre-State period who now worked in the office of the Prime Minister. “What a blow,” it read, “what a calamitous blow to so many people, but more particularly for those like you who were so close to the great young man.” (P.57)

[CFT Note: If Feinberg was, in fact, “shaken” by Kennedy’s murder, it was perhaps from his realization that his own actions ultimately led to the assassination. Whether or not Feinberg knew of the plot before it happened can only be speculated — but considering that he was well acquainted with many of the players and financiers in the plot — including his “intimate” friend, David Ben-Gurion — it’s hard to imagine that he was oblivious to what was coming.

And given Teddy Kollek’s inside knowledge and participation in international espionage — along with his connections to Jewish international crime figures — it’s hard to imagine that his comment to Feinberg — “What a blow” — wasn’t some sort of an inside joke — that they blew Kennedy’s head off — and he deserved it.]

“…When Johnson first took over as president, he is remembered telling either Israel’s foreign minister Golda Meir or a group of Jewish leaders: “You have lost a good friend, but you have found a better one in me.” (p.57)

“Yet, the relationship that Feinberg would personally develop with Lyndon Johnson over the next five years was also unlike those with previous presidents. Their friendship transcended Feinberg’s transactional relationship with Kennedy. It was one of marked trust, of shared worldview, of mutual support and one that Feinberg would exploit to benefit his family and Israel.” (p.57)

[CFT Note: Many researchers have suspected that LBJ was a crypto-Jew himself — his aunt was a member of the Zionist Organization of America, while his grandfather sought clemency for Leo Frank, the Jew who raped an murdered a little girl in his factory and tried to blame it on a negro. Whether LBJ was a Jew or not, he owed his entire political career to Jewish backers and financiers — and we suspect that LBJ was forced on Kennedy as a running mate by Jewish advisors to ensure that if they had to take out Kennedy, they’d have one of their own “trusted” men in the White House.]

“Johnson accurately perceived Feinberg to be a pressure vehicle of the Israelis, but he was the first president to flip the dynamic and use Feinberg to put pressure back on the Israelis. This was part of the broader diplomatic strategy implemented by the United States towards Israel that was more explicitly tit-for-tat (especially in arms sales) in that the US linked its deliverables to Israel to certain concessions from the Israelis.” (p.58)

[CFT Note: More likely Johnson merely put up the appearance of putting “pressure” on the Israelis — again part of the continuing cover-up of the JFK assassination. When the Israelis were caught red-handed bombing the U.S.S. Liberty in 1967, LBJ refused to confront Israel about it — allegedly saying that he “would not embarrass” Israel by investigating it.]

“Feinberg understood that his friendship with Johnson would allow him to be a trusted advisor on US-Israel relations. Through this role, he intended to push the administration into a more pro-Israel posture.” (p.58)

“Former Brandeis President and friend of Feinberg’s Jehudah Reinharz recalls sitting in Feinberg’s office when Feinberg would get a call from the governor or the chairman of the senate. “You could see it,” he said, “he was very straightforward, very rough, sometimes raising his voice. He was [an] imposing physique, over six feet….He clearly put the fear of god in people.” (p.59)

“Johnson and Feinberg were also both masters of accumulating political debts as a means
to enhance their power. (p.60)”Johnson and Feinberg were also both masters of accumulating political debts as a means to enhance their power.” (p.60)

[CFT Note: In other words, these “kindred spirits” knew how to play political hardball — which, no doubt, included bribery, blackmail. and violence in order to get their way.]

“Jehuda Reinharz recalled of Feinberg: “He was also the kind of guy who I could tell things and ask his advice and he would never reveal them. You could put him on a rack and torture him and he would never reveal it. He was the kind of guy you wanted as a friend. He was totally trustworthy.” Unfortunately, this same trait meant he kept no records of what he did and little leaked out to the media, presenting immense challenges to historians.” (p.61)

[CFT Note: Like Feinberg, Jehuda Reinharz was a devoted hardcore Zionist — hiding behind his public facade as an academic and university president — he worked feverishly to promote Israel’s interests in the U.S. — and received the Israel Award for his “good works” in 1990.]

“Feinberg chose to honor the new president, Lyndon Johnson, giving him the same benefits of access to wealthy Jewish donors that would have been bestowed on Kennedy.” (p.62)

[CFT Note: Yes, if Kennedy had not attempted to block Israel’s nuclear weapons program, no doubt the Jews would have rewarded him by financing his re-election campaign in 1964 — another “quid pro quo“.]

“Feinberg was a part of the group to have raised at least $500,000 for Kennedy on the condition that it would be repaid in pro-Israel action.” (p.62)

“Feinberg didn’t give to the DNC. He gave to the president himself through the president’s personal aide, Walter Jenkins. At least $250,000 in cash that Feinberg raised sat in Jenkins’ safe for Johnson.” (p.62)

[CFT Note: When Walter Jenkins — a closet homosexual — was arrested in the bathroom of a Washington, D.C. YMCA soliciting sex — LBJ’s legal counsel, the future Supreme Court Justice — Abe Fortas — used his power to suppress the incident in the press and during LBJ’s 1964 re-election campaign. With a quarter million in cash of Feinberg’s money in his safe, Jenkins needed to be protected.]

“McGeorge Bundy recalled: “the President takes the call from Abe Feinberg, because it might mean another million dollars.” (p.63)

“Johnson recognized that the US didn’t have the leverage to lock Israel into a hard agreement on the Dimona reactor.” (p.68)

[CFT Note: LBJ knew that the U.S. couldn’t pressure Israel on Dimona because he did everything he could to make sure they had no leverage.]

“Because Jews tended to be more liberal, they were less likely to support the Johnson Administration because of its Vietnam policy, regardless of its policies on Israel.” (p.72)

“Rather, the administration needed to have a broader understanding of what constituted the Jewish vote and needed to do a better job of being more inclusive in its messaging. This, he believed, would save the administration a lot of trouble with the Jewish vote on other issues that Jews cared about such as the Vietnam War and race issues.” (p.73)

“Feinberg also tried to explain where the Jewish community was coming from. He told him, “the Jewish community is not monolithic, but that, to quote a remark attributed to Mark Twain, ‘Jews are like all other people only more so.’ (p.73)

[CFT Note: In other words, no matter what you do for the Jews, they will never be pleased — and will always demand more. Harry Truman learned this lesson the hard way. You can’t just please the Zionist Jews — you have to please the nation-wrecking liberal Jews who want to undermine and destroy White Christian America with their “Jewish blessings” — tikkun olam.]

“Feinberg relayed back to Eshkol that Johnson believed “that an Israeli preemptive strike was the only possible course.” He, like the Israelis, likely believed that Israel was on the brink of annihilation. (p.78)

[CFT Note: On page 79 of Rotenberg’s thesis, the 1967 Israeli attack on the USS Liberty appears to be completely omitted — not surprising considering the incident showed that Israel was willing to attack the United States in order to lure them into their war against Egypt and Syria.

It should also be noted that Egypt amassed troops on their border with Israel in response to the Israeli attacks against Syria — and then Israel claimed that Egypt was planning to invade Israel so as to justify a pre-emptive attack against Egypt.

Israel would also claim that Egypt intended to invade Israel to neutralize the nuclear reactor at Dimona — which would have resulted in nuclear contamination of Israel and Palestine. There is no evidence that Egypt had any such plans.]

“From January through June 1968, Feinberg would have monthly meetings with the president, all of which were off the record. It is safe to assume that he applied pressure on the administration to release supersonic F-4 Phantom planes, capable of delivering a nuclear weapon. Feinberg had been engaged in weapons negotiations before and had raised the issue of Phantoms previously with the President.” (p.81)

“The Johnson Administration wanted to use the Phantom planes as leverage to get the Israelis to sign the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT).” (p.81)

[CFT Note: Obviously, that never happened — and LBJ knew it would never happen.

And even when Congress passed the 1976 Arms Export Control Act (AECA) — which specifically forbids any U.S. aid to any nuclear-armed nation which is not a signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty — Israel completely ignored it. By law, since 1976 all aid to Israel has been illegal — and yet no member of Congress who values his life will dare mention this law when approving unlimited aid to Israel every year.

The current Israeli military offensive against Gaza is also a blatant violation of the AECA — because the Israelis are using U.S. weapons to genocide the defenseless Palestinians — despite Israel’s disingenuous claims that they are — once again — acting in “self-defense”.]

“If they signed the treaty as a non-nuclear state, their obligations under the treaty would force them to allow full International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) inspections at all their sites rather than maintaining their agreement for informal US visits. The Israelis had fought for years to prevent IAEA control of their nuclear facilities and were not willing to change now. Yet, signing it as a nuclear state would have undermined their strategy of nuclear ambiguity, where they tried to keep their Arab neighbors in the dark as to their nuclear capabilities in order to serve as an effective deterrent without causing an arms race. (p.81-82)

[CFT Note: This spurious concept of “nuclear ambiguity” makes no logical sense. Nuclear weapons work as deterrents because both sides know of their existence. Every country in the Middle East knows that Israel maintains the third largest nuclear arsenal in the world — behind the U.S. and Russia.

Israel refuses to “officially” admit to having nuclear weapons for the simple reason that they do not want anyone inspecting their sites for any reason — probably because such inspections would reveal a massive arsenal capable to taking down the entire West — their “Samson Option” — not to mention their biological warfare weapons.]

“In addition, signing as a nuclear state would have shown the world that all of Israel’s and the US’s previous assurances of its peaceful nuclear program were lies.” (p.82)

“Johnson received “eyes-only” or highly classified estimates from the NSA in mid-summer 1968 that Israel had a full nuclear weapons capability. Thus, linking the Phantoms to the NPT would do little to stop Israel from going nuclear. Furthermore, it would only embarrass the US and Israel on the world stage.”(p.83)

“If it signed the treaty as a nuclear weapons state, then the US and Israel would be openly admitting to having lied to the world throughout the 1960s.” (p.83)

[CFT Note: And most importantly, disclosure of the Israeli nuclear weapons program would re-open questions into the JFK assassination — and make the motivation for his death apparent for the world to see.]

“The Israelis would receive the Phantoms without signing the NPT. All they gave was a reiteration that they “would not be the first to introduce nuclear weapons into the region.” (p.84)

“Feinberg’s call led to the US ceding all of its remaining leverage on Israel’s nuclear program. By not forcing Israel to sign NPT, the United States accepted the reality that Israel would become a nuclear weapons state. Thus, from the moment of providing the seed money for the nuclear program to acting as an advocate for decoupling the issue in an arms sale, Feinberg played a key role in creating and solidifying Israel’s nuclear status.” (p.84)

[CFT Note: This is a roundabout way of stating that had it not been for Feinberg’s efforts and machinations, John F. Kennedy would never have been killed. And every member of Congress knows that opposing Israel should be considered “career suicide” — a term that journalist Carl Cameron used to describe any journalist who investigated the Israeli Mossad’s role in the 9/11 attacks.]

“In line with Feinberg’s pattern of contributions to Democratic candidates, he had given Humphry $250,000 in his campaign and served as one of his delegates at the famously contentious Democratic Convention in Chicago. With the loss, Feinberg lost much of his access to the Presidency. He never again achieved the level of access he had enjoyed during the Johnson Administration.” (p.84)

[CFT Note: Feinberg may have not had “direct access” to Richard Nixon, but to suggest that Feinberg and his cronies no longer influenced U.S. foreign policy vis a vis Israel is misleading. Nixon knew full well the extend of Jewish power in the U.S. — and he knew that Jewish spies were the top threat to U.S. security. Both Richard Nixon — and his Vice President, Spiro Agnew — were driven out of office by Jewish intrigue.]

“In light of Israel’s victory in the June 1967 War and its possession of nuclear weapons, Kissinger believed Israel to be a strong Western power in the Middle East and scrapped any semblance of a balanced approach to dealing with the troubles in the region.” (p.85)

“When his son Richard passed away in 1996, because Richard was a distinguished member of the faculty of the Albert Einstein College of Medicine at Yeshiva University in New York, Feinberg endowed an academic chair for schizophrenia research in Richard’s memory.” (p.85)

[CFT Note: It’s no doubt a sobering thought for us all that Jews like Feinberg and his Zionist co-ethnics have a such high incidence of inheritable schizophrenia, paranoia, and other mental illnesses running in their families — all the while sitting on one of the world’s largest stockpiles of nuclear weapons — believing — as Benjamin Netanyahu does — that the entire world is “antisemitic” and “ganging up on Israel.”]

“For all that Feinberg accomplished, he was content to have worked largely behind the scenes. For that, “Abe Feinberg must surely rank as one of the authentic giants in Jewish public and philanthropic affairs,” (p.86)

“Indeed, in one of Feinberg’s most introspective moments late in life, he laid out what he hoped his legacy would be. “In periods of depression,” he wrote “I look back upon [what I did for the state of Israel] to re-bolster my satisfaction in having contributed in some small degree to the creation of a state for our people.” By methods that were usually out of the spotlight, and at times may well have been illegal, Feinberg achieved his ultimate objective of helping to build the modern state of Israel.” (p.86)

[CFT Note: Feinberg no doubt suffered from “depression” in his old age not just because the condition is common among Jews but rather because the world would never be allowed to know what he had accomplished for the State of Israel — as almost everything he did was not only illegal but unethical — and a complete subversion of his country of birth — the United States of America.

His enormous ego, talents and drive could never be given the public adulation that he perhaps desired — so in the end, he would have to resign himself to accepting the fact that he would be another anonymous Jewish “hidden hand” in world affairs.

Feinberg’s power and influence on world events cannot be overstated — his life certainly deserves a much more thorough and critical examination.]

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