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July 14th, 2012 
FAKE NEWS for the Zionist agenda
Within minutes of the shooting, the Metropolitan Police threw a cordon round
the embassy. It was besieged for 11 days. But then Gaddafi’s troops
surrounded Britain’s own mission in Tripoli. Deeply worried for the 8,000
Britons in Libya, the Thatcher government allowed the occupants of the
London embassy to leave.
The culprits might have gone, but much evidence remained. They had been
covertly fingerprinted before flying out, given drinks at plastic-covered
tables in a government building in Berkshire. The embassy itself was a mine
of material. Over the years, as relations with Gaddafi warmed up, thoughts
of justice became possible.
In 1999, to re-establish diplomatic relations with Britain, the regime
accepted “general responsibility” for the killings and agreed to compensate
WPc Fletcher’s family. A few years later, Met officers made their first
visit to Tripoli, but got nowhere. Another Fletcher investigation was
mounted in 2007, with officers spending weeks in Libya and interviewing
suspects. Again, though, there were no arrests or charges.
According to a report for the Crown Prosecution Service, written about this
time and leaked to The Daily Telegraph, there was enough evidence to charge
two men, Matouk Mohammed Matouk and Abdelgadir Mohammed Baghdadi, with
“conspiracy to cause death”. Neither had actually fired the fatal shots, but
are alleged to have helped plan the shooting. The problem, of course, was
that Matouk, Baghdadi and several other key figures, including Salah Eddin
Khalifa, the man named today as the alleged shooter, were now high-level
players in the Gaddafi regime. And for the British and Libyan governments,
justice came second to their growing security and commercial relationship.
Since 9/11, Gaddafi, a long-standing enemy of al-Qaeda, had suddenly become a
friend of Britain again. Relations with the tyrant were positively warm,
with MI6 even helping to send his opponents to torture in regime jails.
Unless Gaddafi could find some token culprit, as with Lockerbie, to throw to
the West, little progress could be envisaged.
But then came the revolution. Overnight, there was no need to pander to
Gaddafi any more. Suddenly, the files could be opened for new evidence that
might actually convict someone. Even the British government had changed. For
the first time, there could be a Fletcher investigation that did more than
go through the motions.
Yet progress still seemed slow. In almost a year, all Scotland Yard has done
is fly out for a brief meeting. Could there still be parts of Whitehall that
worry about what any trial might expose of Britain and Gaddafi’s complicity?
Of course, formal arrangements for the investigation have to be agreed with
the Libyan authorities. Of course, free Libya is still chaotic, with many
other priorities. A new problem is that Baghdadi was killed in the
revolution, and Matouk has disappeared.
But Libya’s new rulers — some of whom, as opposition activists, were on that
1984 demonstration — themselves question how slowly things are moving.
The justice minister has spoken of British “delay”. And today Ashur Shamis, an
adviser to the prime minister, impatient at the “mind-boggling” length of
time the investigation has taken, gives the ball a further push by naming
the man he says is the suspected killer, Salah Eddin Khalifa.
Queenie Fletcher, Yvonne’s mother, describes today’s news as “positive”. She
is right not to be ecstatic; there have been many false dawns. But it could
be the most hopeful development yet.
Unlike Baghdadi, or another man previously fingered as the killer, Abdulmagid
Salah Ameri, we know Mr Khalifa is alive. And unlike Mr Matouk, Libyan
officials know roughly where he is.
In the ambulance, as Yvonne Fletcher lost consciousness for the last time,
John Murray promised her he would find who did it. “For me, a result would
just be somebody charged and standing in court,” he says.
There are many obstacles still to overcome: the country where Mr Khalifa is
now thought to be living has no extradition treaty with Britain, and the
quality of the evidence against him is yet to be tested.
Approached through his brother, he could not be reached for comment yesterday.
But there are also whispers of another major development in the case soon.
Finally, after almost three decades, it is starting to look at least
possible that the Met might make its first arrest.
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