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May 20th, 2012 
FAKE NEWS for the Zionist agenda If not, whose was it?
The trial that convicted Megrahi was one of the most extraordinary in British
history, a fitting climax to a brutal crime and a typically bizarre
negotiation with Gaddafi which allowed Megrahi and his alleged
co-conspirator, Lamin Khalifah Fhimah, to be extradited in return for the
dropping of sanctions.
They faced a Scottish court in Camp Zeist, Holland. Megrahi was convicted and
Fhimah acquitted, a verdict that made little sense to many, given how
interlocking was the narrative against them both.
The key evidence was the suitcase, tagged for New York, put on a plane in
Malta and transferred to Pan Am 103 in London, which exploded 38 minutes out
of Heathrow as the air stewards prepared dinner. The trigger switch, found
by a meticulous search of fragments of wreckage scattered across more than
800 square miles of Scottish countryside, led to Mr Gauci’s store.
He identified Megrahi as the buyer, and despite many questions about his
reliability, it was enough for a guilty verdict. Claims that Mr Gauci
received $2 million for his testimony, and that he had seen pictures of
Megrahi in the press shortly before being interviewed, were to be a central
feature of Megrahi’s appeal, abandoned on his early release.
According to some conspiracy theories, that was the release’s purpose – to
secure the dropping of the appeal and the embarrassing evidence it might
reveal, though this was staunchly denied.
More damaging were the allegations, from opposition and American politicians,
that the Labour government intervened to secure his release under pressure
to protect British business interests in Libya.
Cables released by WikiLeaks subsequently showed how Gaddafi had made
insistent and threatening demands, while Mr Blair confirmed that the
dictator had raised the issue with him during his several visits to Tripoli
after he stepped down from office.
Both Labour and the Scottish Executive said the decision was made purely on
compassionate grounds; but in any case these claims are just a sideshow to
the arguments mounted against the original verdict by the lawyers and
investigative journalists who have competed to pick holes in the case.
Many point out that the original focus of the inquiry was on Palestinian
terrorist subgroups with links to Iran.
It was suggested then that the bombing was revenge for the shooting down of an
Iranian passenger aircraft over the Gulf by a US warship in July 1988. Only
after a change of political direction did the police investigation begin to
focus on Libya.
If Megrahi was innocent, and the US, Britain, and the Scottish legal system
conspired to frame him in one of the most grievous injustices of modern
times, his death will bring proof no nearer. A public inquiry or a reopening
of his appeal would only end the speculation if the secret services of both
countries decided to “come clean”.
But that does not mean all hopes of finding the truth have gone. In Libya,
there are many people who might have more to say.
One of those is the interim president, Mustafa Abdul Jalil, a former justice
minister in the Gaddafi regime, who claimed early in the revolution to have
evidence that Gaddafi ordered the bombing. He has yet to reveal that
evidence.
A more detailed hint by a regime insider came from Abdulrahman al-Shalgham,
its ambassador to the United Nations, who also defected. In a lengthy
interview with a Saudi newspaper, he said: “The Lockerbie bombing was a
complex and tangled operation. There was talk at the time of the roles
played by states and organisations. Libyan security played a part but I
believe it was not a strictly Libyan operation.”
Tantalisingly, he suggested he knew more than he was letting on, and said that
Gaddafi had denied responsibility. He hinted it was a freelance operation.
In that case, attention would turn to the “black box” of the Gaddafi regime –
Abdullah Senussi, his brother-in-law and security chief. Mr Senussi is
currently under arrest in Mauritania, awaiting extradition proceedings –
either to Libya, or The Hague, where he has been indicted on war crimes
charges at the International Criminal Court. He was close to Megrahi. The
Megarha tribe, unequivocally loyal to Gaddafi, was heavily relied on to fill
roles in the air force and intelligence service, and while Megrahi’s family
publicly deny his guilt, some of those who know them say that as an
intelligence officer, he worked directly for Senussi.
Somewhere in Libya, what the Gaddafi regime really thought about Lockerbie was
written down and filed. Reporters were told that at one intelligence
building, full of secret files, a gaping hole marked a spot where that
relating to Lockerbie had once been kept. That building has now been shut
off.
Many such stories swept the country after Gaddafi fell, and would not be
useful in a court of law. But they are a strong reminder that while Megrahi
may have gone, there are still many leads for investigators to follow – and
many brick walls that can still be put in their way.
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